Posted 11:14 pm Monday, February 13, 2012
Black History Month: Struggle For Equal Districts Paid Off
By KELLY GOOCH
Staff Writer
African-American Tylerites faced adversity as they struggled for fair representation in local government during the 1960s and 1970s, but decades later, they say the experience was a worthwhile endeavor with teachable moments.
Staff Writer
African-American Tylerites faced adversity as they struggled for fair representation in local government during the 1960s and 1970s, but decades later, they say the experience was a worthwhile endeavor with teachable moments.
Tyler back then had an at-large system in place, meaning city council members were elected or appointed as representatives for the entire community rather than a specific section of the community.
Minorities were greatly hampered by the at-large process, which affected the delivery of services such as upkeep of streets, lighting, and drainage, said Andrew Melontree, a former Smith County commissioner and community activist.
Minorities were greatly hampered by the at-large process, which affected the delivery of services such as upkeep of streets, lighting, and drainage, said Andrew Melontree, a former Smith County commissioner and community activist.
He said they were putting forth the best candidates they could but were not afforded the privilege of representation and had no voice to bring about social or environmental changes.
“We had to deal with whatever persons who got elected at-large who didn't represent our interests. It was almost unbearable, but until the Voting Rights Act of 1965, we didn't have much we could go by,” he said.
Various community activists, some self-anointed and some chosen by the community as leaders, were disheartened by the process and decided to come together with a common objective: to get rid of an at-large system.
“We had to deal with whatever persons who got elected at-large who didn't represent our interests. It was almost unbearable, but until the Voting Rights Act of 1965, we didn't have much we could go by,” he said.
Various community activists, some self-anointed and some chosen by the community as leaders, were disheartened by the process and decided to come together with a common objective: to get rid of an at-large system.
Melontree, 81, has lived in Tyler since 1948 and chose to be part of that community group for his own reasons.
“I guess it was my deep sense of fairness that was being pervaded or eroded here in the community as related to people's ability to vote and have representatives of their choosing,” he said. “It was a process that had gone on for many years, and the toleration just kind of went thin on it and somebody had to step up.”
Melontree said it was basically a movement in the northern part of the community, and the group held meetings in regard to their cause.
Melontree said it was basically a movement in the northern part of the community, and the group held meetings in regard to their cause.
During that time, there was not opposition that was easy to identify, he said, but there was an ever presence of it because no one seemed to want to relent and allow for a diplomatic resolution to the problem.
City leaders “could have at any time relieved the situation if they had been willing to restructure the lines of representation. It was not totally racially inspired. It was something that was politically inspired. At the time, all councilmen perhaps came from small configurated areas of the city, always south of Tyler. Not only did that militate against us but (also) poor whites in other places who didn't have that stroke of authority,” he said.
City leaders “could have at any time relieved the situation if they had been willing to restructure the lines of representation. It was not totally racially inspired. It was something that was politically inspired. At the time, all councilmen perhaps came from small configurated areas of the city, always south of Tyler. Not only did that militate against us but (also) poor whites in other places who didn't have that stroke of authority,” he said.
Although the community activists were open and vocal about their cause, change didn't occur until the 1970s.
It was about that time that three African American men put their names, reputations, and livelihoods on line by agreeing to be the nominal plaintiffs in a suit against the city of Tyler under the Voting Rights Act of 1965, Melontree said. The suit was held up in courts for years before being resolved in the plaintiffs' favor.
After the suit's resolution, Melontree said Tyler had to redistrict consistent with the voting rights act.
“They had to be obedient to the one man, one vote rule in areas of the community,” he said, adding that minorities were then able to choose someone and have representation on the city council.
“We took places of two people who had been put onto that level unconstitutionally, so there was a bit of tension. We had three men who levied the suit (against Tyler), and none chose to be a candidate for election.”
The two men who ended up being chosen as the first black city councilmen were real estate man L.B. Browne and school administrator Patrick Turner.
When Tyler changed, it was “exhilarating” for the African American community, Melontree said.
“It emboldened the community. It gave them hope and aspiration,” he said.
He said residents outside the African American community were also open to the change because they could see clearly that if the community activists succeeded, it would be advantageous to them as well.
Melontree, who had children in Tyler ISD at the time, said the process was a learning experience for him.
“I learned that when people are so open to knowledge, they can be motivated to do things that are consistent with law and thereby avoid anything detrimental to them,” he said. “It had gotten to the point a number of times where (a) person with the same credibility was shut out. There was a lot of unhappiness here. It was hard to tell children the benefit of trying to go forward when you were burdened with such an unfair system of justice.”
Still, he said he feels good about his experience as an activist because it provided a catapult for other things, such as resolving similar issues diplomatically with Tyler ISD without involving a lawsuit.
Under the great threat of suit, Smith County came on board too, he said, and the Precinct 4 constituents have routinely favored the election of a minority candidate.
J B Derrick, 81, said togetherness is what he took away from the experience because the process would have taken longer without the group of activists joining forces.
“The whole thing was to try to get the minority element involved in city government, so naturally the effort was to remove those barriers,” he said. “I certainly think it was good for the city. We were able to move that forward ...
He added, “I feel good we have come this far, but we have a ways ago and have to be careful we don't move back to the routine we were in at that time. (For now), I feel good about it.”
It was about that time that three African American men put their names, reputations, and livelihoods on line by agreeing to be the nominal plaintiffs in a suit against the city of Tyler under the Voting Rights Act of 1965, Melontree said. The suit was held up in courts for years before being resolved in the plaintiffs' favor.
After the suit's resolution, Melontree said Tyler had to redistrict consistent with the voting rights act.
“They had to be obedient to the one man, one vote rule in areas of the community,” he said, adding that minorities were then able to choose someone and have representation on the city council.
“We took places of two people who had been put onto that level unconstitutionally, so there was a bit of tension. We had three men who levied the suit (against Tyler), and none chose to be a candidate for election.”
The two men who ended up being chosen as the first black city councilmen were real estate man L.B. Browne and school administrator Patrick Turner.
When Tyler changed, it was “exhilarating” for the African American community, Melontree said.
“It emboldened the community. It gave them hope and aspiration,” he said.
He said residents outside the African American community were also open to the change because they could see clearly that if the community activists succeeded, it would be advantageous to them as well.
Melontree, who had children in Tyler ISD at the time, said the process was a learning experience for him.
“I learned that when people are so open to knowledge, they can be motivated to do things that are consistent with law and thereby avoid anything detrimental to them,” he said. “It had gotten to the point a number of times where (a) person with the same credibility was shut out. There was a lot of unhappiness here. It was hard to tell children the benefit of trying to go forward when you were burdened with such an unfair system of justice.”
Still, he said he feels good about his experience as an activist because it provided a catapult for other things, such as resolving similar issues diplomatically with Tyler ISD without involving a lawsuit.
Under the great threat of suit, Smith County came on board too, he said, and the Precinct 4 constituents have routinely favored the election of a minority candidate.
J B Derrick, 81, said togetherness is what he took away from the experience because the process would have taken longer without the group of activists joining forces.
“The whole thing was to try to get the minority element involved in city government, so naturally the effort was to remove those barriers,” he said. “I certainly think it was good for the city. We were able to move that forward ...
He added, “I feel good we have come this far, but we have a ways ago and have to be careful we don't move back to the routine we were in at that time. (For now), I feel good about it.”
